Machine-translated: This page was translated with the help of AI. If anything is unclear, we welcome your suggestions for improvement.

The Gift (Mauss)

According to Marcel Mauss, the gift is free and obligatory at once. Whoever gives binds the other; whoever accepts owes a return. The gift is thus neither a purchase nor a present without consequences, but a bond between people – and one of the oldest forms in which community takes shape.

This entry deals with Mauss’s analysis of the gift and what it means for altruism, not with his work as a whole.

About the person. Marcel Mauss (1872–1950), French sociologist and ethnologist, nephew and pupil of Émile Durkheim. His Essai sur le don (“The Gift”) appeared in 1925 and is among the most cited texts in the social sciences.

Translator’s note: Where the German original quotes Mauss from the German edition (Suhrkamp 1990), the quotation stays in German and is followed by our own English rendering, marked “our translation”; it is not taken from any published English edition. Terms from the French original (Essai sur le don) remain in French.

What is the gift according to Marcel Mauss?

Mauss examined reports on societies in Polynesia, Melanesia, the Andaman Islands and the Northwest Coast of America, together with old Roman, Indian, Germanic and Celtic law. Everywhere he found the same pattern: services that look like presents are in truth binding – „der Theorie nach freiwillig, in Wirklichkeit verpflichtend gegeben und erwidert“ [our translation: “in theory voluntary, in reality given and returned under obligation”].

Mauss calls such forms of exchange total prestations (prestations totales): they are economic, legal, religious and festive at once. What is exchanged is not only things, but courtesies, feasts, services and marriages. The gift is therefore not a marginal phenomenon but a basic framework of living together.

Is the gift voluntary or a duty?

Both. Mauss describes three obligations:

  1. To give. Whoever is rich or can host a feast must give.
  2. To receive. In these societies, refusing a gift amounts to an act of hostility.
  3. To reciprocate. Whoever does not give back appropriately loses standing and can fall into debt bondage.

The freedom lies in the form, the bond in the substance. Mauss’s concluding formula is that one gives librement et obligatoirement – freely and obligatorily. This obligation is a bond, not a punishment. In the societies studied, feast and fight lay close together; the gift is the means of meeting one another without harming one another – as Mauss puts it, of facing one another without massacring one another, and of giving to one another without sacrificing oneself.

What does the “spirit of the gift” mean?

Mauss draws on the Maori word hau: a gift (taonga) carries something of its giver within it, a force (mana) that strives to return to him. That is why it must be reciprocated. This interpretation is contested in ethnology: Raymond Firth, Claude Lévi-Strauss and Marshall Sahlins each read the hau differently, and Annette Weiner showed that some things have power precisely because one keeps them while giving (Sahlins 1972; Weiner 1992).

Harald Alke describes the same experience in his books from his own perspective: in the making, the spirit of the maker flows into the thing, and a gift carries the intention of the one who gives it – which is why it also binds. Where Mauss describes the bond as the cement of community, Harald Alke advises mindfulness about which bonds one accepts along with a gift.

Is the gift disinterested?

No – but it is not self-interested either. Mauss calls it „uneigennützig und verpflichtend zugleich“ [our translation: “disinterested and obligatory at once”], something in between. The potlatch on the Northwest Coast of America shows this most clearly: whoever gives away or destroys the most wins the highest rank. Mauss expressly asks whether things are really so different among us – whether wealth here, too, is not above all a means of directing others.

The gift thus lies exactly between the poles that are usually set against each other: it is neither pure altruism nor pure egoism, but both – and it is precisely this that makes it sustainable. Whoever looks for the “pure” gift without consequences is, according to Jonathan Parry, looking for a modern idea that only arose once market and gift were strictly separated (Parry 1986).

Why does a gift that cannot be returned wound?

Because it places the recipient in a debt from which they cannot escape. Mauss writes that charity still wounds the one who accepts it.

Our reading: Here lies the core of good helping. Reciprocity does not begin with the giver who needs recognition, but with the recipient who needs the possibility of giving something back – through thanks, through a contribution of their own, through passing it on to others. Help on an equal footing means recognising the other as someone who has something to give themselves. Research supports both sides: gratitude strengthens the willingness to help (Grant & Gino 2010), and the ceremonial gift can be understood as mutual public recognition (Hénaff 2019).

What has modernity lost?

Mauss writes that homo oeconomicus stands „nicht hinter uns, sondern vor uns“ [our translation: “not behind us, but before us”]: the human being has only recently become a „Rechenmaschine“ [our translation: “calculating machine”], and fortunately we are not quite there yet. He wanted us to remain more than mere financiers, even as we become better accountants.

On this reading, what has been lost is not some harmony – there was none in the societies studied. What has been lost is the moral character of exchange: that things bind people to one another instead of merely supplying them. This is how the ethnologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard puts it in his introduction to Mauss: there, the exchange of goods was not a mechanical but a moral act that created and maintained personal relationships. The novels of Harald Alke (written under the name Rik van Leeven) tell the same story: peaceful societies know the right of hospitality – and the duties it places on the guest.

Who guarantees reciprocity?

Here we set Mauss and ourselves side by side, without smoothing over the contrast.

Our view of consumption belongs here too: unbridled mass consumption is a consequence of poor living conditions. Whoever does not lead a fulfilled life tries to fill the gap with consumption. Economies that exploit this are regulated ones, not individualistic ones; where people can develop freely, the problem of consumption is far less widespread. Mauss himself took a friendlier view of the gift-giving of his day: he was glad that not everything is yet absorbed into buying and selling.

What does research say today?

What did Tobias O. R. Alke write about this in 2017?

In Ausgewählte Perspektiven des Altruismus (Selected Perspectives on Altruism, 2017), Mauss is one of the ten central perspectives. There, Tobias O. R. Alke emphasised that Mauss not only calls for wholeness but also argues holistically, that he breaks with the rejection of reciprocity in the context of charity, and that the individual contributes to the community in an “individualistic-solidaristic” way.

Checking against the French original shows that these core points hold – some even better than in 2017, above all reciprocity, which Mauss grounds from the side of the recipient. Three readings from 2017, by contrast, do not hold: the circulation of goods in those societies was not “without coercion” (ohne Zwang) but obligatory; “coercion” (Zwang) and “social lie” (soziale Lüge) describe, in Mauss, the gift itself, not a modern “gift mania” (Geschenkewahn); and Mauss is no witness for the thesis that the modern economy needs collectivism. Collectivism remains the author’s term for the mass economy entangled with the state. The new edition notes this.

What does this mean in practice?

Reciprocity · Solidarity through the division of labour (Durkheim) · Altruism · Egoism · Collectivism & individualism · Community that strengthens us · Loving-kindness & altruism · The prosocial nature of the human being

Frequently asked questions

What is the gift according to Marcel Mauss – simply explained?

According to Mauss, a gift is a present that is given freely and yet obliges: to accept it and to return it. It is neither a purchase nor a present without consequences, but a bond between people. Mauss showed this in 1925 using societies in Polynesia, Melanesia and on the Northwest Coast of America, as well as old Roman, Indian and Germanic law.

Which three obligations belong to the gift?

Giving, receiving and reciprocating. In the societies Mauss studied, whoever refuses a gift or fails to return it loses standing – even to the point of quarrel or debt bondage. Mauss sums this up in the formula that one gives „frei und verpflichtend“ (our translation: “freely and obligatorily”) at once.

Is the gift disinterested?

Neither wholly disinterested nor self-interested. Mauss calls it something in between: it creates bonds, standing and peace, but can also produce rank and dependence. It thus lies between altruism and egoism.

Why can a gift wound?

Because it puts the recipient in debt if they cannot return it. Mauss writes that charity still wounds the one who accepts it. Good help therefore leaves the other the possibility of giving something back – through thanks, a contribution of their own or by passing it on.

What does Mauss mean today?

His observation still holds: reciprocity is a norm found in almost all moral codes, and experiments show that people respond to generous wages with greater effort. Mauss himself saw social insurance and cooperatives as the modern form of the gift – on the state as guarantor, we disagree with him.

Change history · last updated on
  • — First English version of this entry.

Sources

  • Marcel Mauss: Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques. In: L’Année sociologique, nouvelle série, Bd. 1 (1923–1924), Paris 1925, S. 30–186. German edition: Die Gabe. Form und Funktion des Austauschs in archaischen Gesellschaften. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt/M. 1990.
  • E. E. Evans-Pritchard: Introduction. In: Marcel Mauss: The Gift. Cohen & West, London 1954 (in the German edition as foreword).
  • Tobias O. R. Alke: Ausgewählte Perspektiven des Altruismus. Kyborg Institut & Verlag, 2017. ISBN 978-3-96104-027-8 – chapters „Marcel Mauss“ and „Reflexion von Marcel Mauss zum Diskursüberblick“.
  • D. Harald Alke: Mahatma – Die große Seele der Natur (memoirs); Lexikon; Das große Handbuch Horus Energiepyramiden. Kyborg Institut & Verlag. – Rik van Leeven (pseudonym of D. Harald Alke): Transferstation; Goldene Fäden (novels).
  • Alvin W. Gouldner: The Norm of Reciprocity: A Preliminary Statement. In: American Sociological Review 25 (1960), 161–178. doi.org/10.2307/2092623
  • Marshall Sahlins: The Spirit of the Gift. In: Stone Age Economics (1972), new edition Routledge 2017, 134–167. doi.org/10.4324/9781315184951-4
  • Jonathan Parry: The Gift, the Indian Gift and the ‚Indian Gift‘. In: Man 21 (1986), 453–473. doi.org/10.2307/2803096
  • Annette B. Weiner: Inalienable Possessions. The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving. University of California Press 1992. doi.org/10.1525/9780520911802
  • George A. Akerlof: Labor Contracts as Partial Gift Exchange. In: Quarterly Journal of Economics 97 (1982), 543–569. doi.org/10.2307/1885099
  • Ernst Fehr, Georg Kirchsteiger & Arno Riedl: Does Fairness Prevent Market Clearing? An Experimental Investigation. In: Quarterly Journal of Economics 108 (1993), 437–459. doi.org/10.2307/2118338
  • Joseph Henrich u. a.: ‚Economic man‘ in cross-cultural perspective: Behavioral experiments in 15 small-scale societies. In: Behavioral and Brain Sciences 28 (2005), 795–815. doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X05000142
  • Adam M. Grant & Francesca Gino: A little thanks goes a long way: Explaining why gratitude expressions motivate prosocial behavior. In: Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 98 (2010), 946–955. doi.org/10.1037/a0017935
  • Marcel Hénaff: The Philosophers’ Gift. Reexamining Reciprocity. Fordham University Press 2019. doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286478.003.0003
  • Friedrich August von Hayek: The Use of Knowledge in Society. In: American Economic Review 35 (1945), Nr. 4, S. 519–530.

More from Kyborg Institute in Google Search — Set as preferred source

By Tobias O. R. Alke

Share this page